Still Missing: The Women Wonks

Published in the Washington Monthly, see original here.

Why are think tank panels are still dominated by men?

For the Washington Monthly’s 50th anniversary issue, twenty former editors revisited one of their most important stories for this magazine. They looked at pieces that had an impact on the world or on themselves; that presaged something big to come; or that were totally wrong in an interesting way. Below is one of the resulting essays. Read more of them here.

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In August 2018, Mexico’s Ministry of Health convened a high-profile conference on the benefits of breastfeeding. It was part of a long-standing effort to boost the nation’s breastfeeding rate, among the lowest in Latin America. But what drew the most attention was a photo of the keynote panel: six dour men—presumably incapable of lactating themselves—arrayed under a banner reading “Uniendo esfuerzos por la Lactancia Maternal,” Spanish for “Joining Forces for Breastfeeding.” The photo sparked viral outrage on social media and instantly established the event as a prime example of all-male panels—also known as “manels,” “colloqui-hims,” or “him-posiums.” 

I first wrote about the preponderance of testosterone at think tank panels and policy events—particularly in Washington—in a 2012 Washington Monthly article titled “Where Are the Women Wonks?” The imbalance is about more than appearances. “Without greater representation from women, maybe it’s not such a surprise that so many of the policy debates in Washington seem to be missing half the picture,” I wrote at the time.

When the piece came out, I was thrilled to hear it was generating greater than average buzz for a Washington Monthly article. But, as it turned out, it wasn’t my sparkling prose drawing eyeballs. The Monthly, whose staff I had yet to join, had chosen to illustrate the piece with a stock photo of a lush, bespectacled beauty with bedroom hair, the word “THINK” tattooed on a skimpy white tank top straining to contain her breasts. (It’s a “think” tank, get it?) She’s the embodiment of the brainy dream babe D.C. policy dorks fantasize finding in the halls of some obscure federal agency.

Since centerfolds are not the Monthly’s typical farethe photo naturally went viral. 

“The Washington Monthly’s Inner Lecher Finally Breaks Free” was the headline of a post by Monthly alum Kevin Drum in Mother Jones. “It’s sort of like finding a provocative picture illustrating the minutes of the latest Federal Reserve meeting,” he marveled. He barely mentioned the substance of the article. Nor was he the only one among the commentariat to give full attention to the woman wearing a think tank rather than to the piece about the women working at them. 

Given that reaction, perhaps we shouldn’t be shocked that the manel is still alive and well—a symptom of persistent gender inequality among the ranks of the think tanks that drive much of the policy conversation in Washington, D.C. Of course, there has been some progress. As a longtime veteran of the think tank world who has attended and organized countless convenings (sometimes even getting to speak), I’ll concede some greater sensitivity toward gender balance at public events. But that too often amounts to little more than a token woman serving in a subordinate role to the male headliner (often as the moderator), or a junior female staffer transparently added to the roster at the last minute.

You don’t have to take my word for it. Anecdotes like these are now supported by data, which is one positive development since my original essay. Manels aren’t just in our heads—they’re real. 

In the realm of foreign policy, for example, Federiga Bindi and Mimosa Giamanco of the Institute of Women’s Policy Research analyzed 967 events hosted in 2018 by twenty of D.C.’s most prestigious think tanks, including the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the Aspen Institute, and the Brookings Institution. They found that women made up just 34 percent of the speakers at these events and that fully 27 percent of panels had no women at all. Predictably, conservative think tanks such as Cato and the American Enterprise Institute (AEI) were the least balanced. At Cato, for instance, 60 percent of foreign policy event lineups were all-male. 

This lopsidedness isn’t confined to panels—it’s also reflected in the ranks of experts at think tanks. At Brookings, for instance, only 105 of the 407 “experts” identified on the organization’s website as of September 2019 are women. New America is an exception—with women making up about half of all “fellows”—while the Center for American Progress, another liberal organization, is not too far behind. Again, conservative think tanks are the worst offenders. At AEI, for instance, fewer than a quarter of “scholars” are women, while Cato boasts just five female “policy scholars” out of sixty-seven, none of whom have “senior” in their title. 

So to some degree, the manel phenomenon reflects broader staffing imbalances. But it also poses a more specific career obstacle to women in the policy world. Unlike normal jobs, where success is measured by the number of cars sold, patients cured, or widgets assembled on the line, “success” in the D.C. policy community is much harder to quantify. Speaking invitations become a proxy for influence and validation of expertise. 

“Visibility is everything,” said Federiga Bindi, who conducted the manel research on foreign policy events. “The only indicator of whether you’re successful or not is how many times you are invited to speak.” 

Manels are just as bad for audiences as for the excluded female scholars. Different voices bring different perspectives and new ideas. And by this, I don’t just mean a “woman’s perspective” on “women’s issues.” Nobody invites a man to speak in order to get a “man’s perspective” on national security or labor economics. Expertise is expertise, and there is no reason to believe that talent, intelligence, and scholarly rigor aren’t evenly distributed among men and women. 

The good news is that women are fighting back. Chantal de Jonge Oudraat, president of Women in International Security, coauthored a 2018 “gender scorecard” of the top D.C. think tanks working in national security and international affairs to highlight the gender disparities in the leadership, governing boards, and staff at these institutions. There’s also GenderAvenger, an organization solely dedicated to bringing more gender equity to panels and conferences. Since its launch in 2013 by veteran Democratic organizer and feminist Gina Glantz, GenderAvenger has spearheaded social media and email campaigns—let’s call it “manel shaming”—against high-profile conferences that are particularly imbalanced. 

Among its targets were the 2019 National Conference of State Legislatures’ annual convening (“The keynoters were six men and Dolly Parton,” said Glantz) and the Consumer Electronics Show, widely considered to be the world’s largest trade show. “We went after them in 2016, 2017, and 2018—and then, lo and behold, in 2019, they had great balance,” Glantz said.

The group also urges men to boycott participating in manels themselves. Among the prominent men to “take the pledge” is National Institutes of Health director Francis Collins, who issued a June 2019 statement declaring that “it is time to end the tradition in science of all-male speaking panels” and indicating that he would “decline to take part” in conferences where “attention to inclusiveness is not evident in the agenda.”

“My hope is for conference organizers to say, ‘I don’t want to be Gender-Avengered,’” says Glantz. 

I, for one, will look forward to that day.  

The Absence of Women Scholars On Foreign Policy Panels and How Men Are Still Running the Show

Published by Gender Avengers, link here.

The WIIS [Women in International Security] Gender Scorecard: Washington, D.C. Think Tanks 2018 highlighted how men are still running the show in foreign and security policy establishments. Only five think tanks have at least 40 percent women scholars: the Stimson Center (52%), the Nuclear Threat Initiative (50%), the United States Institute for Peace (49%), the Institute for Policy Studies (44%), and the RAND Corporation (40%). The vast majority of the think tanks actually have less than 30% female scholars.

In the peculiar D.C. think-tank environment, visibility is a major component for success on the job, and the first step toward that success is speaking on panels. In 2014, Tamara Wittes and Mak Lynch described on Monkey Cage how only 25 percent of D.C. speakers were women. In the framework of an EU-funded research project on women leaders at the Institute for Women’s Policy Research (IWPR), we analyzed the presence of women in every 2018 public foreign policy-related event listed on the websites of think-tanks ranked by the WIIS report.

The results are not encouraging: in 2018, there was one woman for every three men (34 percent) on D.C. foreign policy panels, and 27 percent of the panels were manels — that is, all-male panels. To make things worse, in most cases, the woman on the panel was the moderator, not actually a speaker. This perpetuates the idea that women can be gracious hosts, but not real experts.

There are a few think tanks that seem to have made conscious efforts to avoid manels. RAND exceeded gender parity on panels, closely followed by the Council on Foreign Relations, the Center for American Progress, the U.S. Institute for Peace (USIP), the Center for a New American Security (CNAS), and the Stimson Center, all whose panels consisted of 40 percent or more women.

Only the Center for American Progress completely avoided organizing single-gender panels. For the rest, out of 967 foreign policy panels, 217 were manels. In other words, in 27 percent of the cases, the organizers were apparently unable — or unwilling — to put at least one woman on stage. At CATO, the Institute for Policy Studies, and the American Enterprise Institute, half or more of the panels were all-male. At the Heritage Foundation, Aspen Institute, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and the Bipartisan Policy Center, one third or more of the events were all-male.

It should be noted that several think tanks organized women-only panels that were either held on International Women’s Day or focused on topics like sexual violence. Finally, only a few think tanks did an event around a single woman or a single woman scholar (for example, a global leader or a book launch),  while there was an abundance of events revolving around a single male leader or scholar.

The correlation between the presence of women experts and the percentage of women speakers is weaker than we expected: the think tanks with the most women scholars are not always the ones featuring the most women speakers.

With 40 percent of female scholars, RAND exceeded gender parity in panels (52 percent). The Center for Foreign Relations, with 29 percent female scholars, almost reached gender parity on panels (44 percent). Ditto for the Center for American Progress where, with just 16 percent of female scholars, panels averaged 44 percent of women. The United States Institute for Peace, with 49 percent of female scholars, had 43 percent women speakers, which is similar to the Stimson Center (51 percent female scholars, 40 percent on panels). Among think tanks with 30 percent or less female scholars, the correlation is somewhat stronger: the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace scored 29 percent in both categories, with the German Marshall Fund closely behind with 27 percent in both categories. Heritage featured 22 and 24 percent respectively, and American Enterprise 21 and 20 percent. The Aspen Institute featured more female speakers than scholars (28 percent vs. 20 percent), while CATO did the opposite with 27 female experts comprising only 20 percent of its speakers overall.

The correlation between female leadership and gender parity is promising. Seven out of the twenty-one think tanks had a woman at the helm — Neera Tandem (CAP), Nancy Lindborg (USIP), Victoria Nuland (CNAS), Anne Marie Slaughter (New America Foundation), Jane Harman (Wilson Center), Karen Donfried (GMF) and Joan Rohlfing (NYI) — and five think tanks made the top 10 in terms of women speakers.

Finally, there appears to be a progressive-conservative divide, with openly-progressive think tanks clearly surpassing openly-conservative ones when it comes to gender parity of speakers: among conservative think tanks, just 18 percent of panel participants are women, as compared to 59 percent among progressive ones. Independent think tanks score in the middle.


What rulers are reading - Manel Watch

MANEL WATCH -- “Women are mysteriously missing from D.C. think tanks’ foreign policy panels. Here’s the data,” by Federiga Bindi and Mimosa Giamanco: “Although women make up half the world’s population and a growing proportion of scholars and analysts, they’re often absent in convenings of ‘experts.’ That’s true across a number of industries, according to an event management company’s report on gender diversity in about 60,000 events between 2013 and 2018 across 23 countries; the company found that 69 percent of all speakers were male. That’s close to what political scientists Tamara Cofman Wittes and Marc Lynch found when examining women’s participation in Middle East Policy panel events in 2014: Fewer than one-quarter of all the speakers at 232 events put on by six Washington think tanks were women — and 65 percent of the events included no women at all.

“That matters, for a variety of reasons. It means women with expertise aren’t getting the kind of exposure that helps their ideas spread and their careers advance. And it means that policies and decisions are made with only men’s input, depriving us all of women’s knowledge and insights.” WaPo

Link to original ‘‘What voters think Warren could do for women’’ in Politico here.

Women are mysteriously missing from D.C. think tanks’ foreign policy panels. Here’s the data.

By Dr. Federiga Bindi and Mimosa Giamanco

Although women make up half the world’s population and a growing proportion of scholars and analysts, they’re often absent in convenings of “experts.” That’s true across a number of industries, according to an event management company’s report on gender diversity in about 60,000 events between 2013 and 2018 across 23 countries; the company found that 69 percent of all speakers were male. That’s close to what political scientists Tamara Cofman Wittes and Marc Lynch found when examining women’s participation in Middle East Policy panel events in 2014: Less than one-quarter of all the speakers at 232 events put on by six Washington think tanks were women — and 65 percent of the events included no women at all.

That matters, for a variety of reasons. It means women with expertise aren’t getting the kind of exposure that helps their ideas spread and their careers advance. And it means that policies and decisions are made with only men’s input, depriving us all of women’s knowledge and insights.

In the past several years, however, observers have begun calling out all-male panels, now ridiculed with the term “manels.” We wanted to know whether that had made a difference in one particular area of expertise: public forums on foreign policy. Our research found that in 2018, women experts still made up only one-third of the speakers at public foreign policy events — a proportion that varied from one think tank to another.

Here’s how we did our research

Supported by an E.U. research grant at the Institute for Women’s Policy Research, we studied women’s speaker participation at 2018 public foreign policy events hosted by 20 major think tanks based in Washington. We decided to look at the 20 think tanks captured by the WIIS Gender Scorecard, which in fall 2018 had released a report ranking think tanks according to the number of women scholars in foreign policy.

For foreign policy-focused think tanks such as the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, we included all public events listed on their websites in 2018. For multidisciplinary think tanks such as the Brookings Institution, we counted all public events that specifically dealt with foreign policy. For each event, we collected names from the published event schedule, such as speakers, chairs and moderators. We then used Internet searches to read bios and look at photos to determine which speakers were women.

In all, our data include 5,192 speakers who participated in 967 public events at these 20 major D.C. think tanks in 2018. These events included a former State Department official talking about strategy in a specific region at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), an Atlantic Council panel about the status of NATO cooperation in Europe, and more.

Women are still underrepresented on D.C. foreign policy panels, in some think tanks more than others

In 2018, women made up 34 percent of experts featured on D.C. foreign policy panels. Fully 27 percent of the panels in our study included only male speakers.

Of the panels that included women, those women often served as the panel moderator, not as a speaker. Women moderators in the absence of women expert panelists perpetuates the idea that women can be gracious hosts but are not actually experts.

There are a few exceptions, of course, as you can see in the figure below. Rand had slightly more than 50 percent women in its foreign policy panels, closely followed by the Council on Foreign Relations, the Center for American Progress, the U.S. Institute for Peace (USIP), the Center for a New American Security (CNAS) and the Stimson Center. All these think tanks’ panels consisted of 40 percent or more women.

Only the liberal Center for American Progress avoided organizing single-gender panels. Half or more of the foreign policy panels were all-male at the libertarian Cato Institute, the liberal Institute for Policy Studies and the conservative American Enterprise Institute. One-third or more of the events were all-male at the right-wing Heritage Foundation, the nonpartisan Aspen Institute and Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and the Bipartisan Policy Center. Of all the events we found, only a handful were women-only — and those were either held on International Women’s Day or focused on topics such as sexual violence.

In the world of D.C. think tanks, being visible is essential for professional advancement. The first step toward increased visibility is speaking on panels. If women are to have equal opportunities in foreign policy, think tanks must work to ensure gender parity on panels. Think tanks wishing to avoid “manels” can turn to a variety of sources to find female experts, including Women Also Know Stuff and the Brussels Binder.

Link to the Washington Post analysis here.

The Absence of Women Scholars On Foreign Policy Panels and How Men Are Still Running the Show

By Dr. Federiga Bindi and Mimosa Giamanco

Women in International Security (WIIS), an organization committed to advancing women in the field of international peace and security, recently issued a policy report analyzing the presence of women in D.C. think tanks, compiling a ranking of the presence of women scholars in the foreign policy community. The report, titled “The WIIS Scorecard: Washington, DC Think Tanks 2018,” highlighted how men are still running the show in the foreign and security policy establishments. The D.C. think tank community is in fact far from being gender-balanced, especially when it comes to foreign policy. Expert-wise, only two out of the twenty-two think tanks reviewed have achieved gender parity among their scholars: the Stimson Center (52%) and the United States Institute for Peace (USIP, 49%). Only five think tanks have more than 40% female scholars: the Stimson Center (51%), Nuclear Threat Initiative (50%), the U.S. Institute for Peace (49%), the Institute for Policy Studies (44%), and the Rand Corporation (40%). The vast majority of the think tanks have less than 30% female scholars.

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These findings are consistent with the numbers in academia, where women scholars in International Relations are still a minority: 70 percent of International Relations (IR) faculty is male. The discrimination begins early in one’s career: for instance, among PhDs at the country’s top institution, Harvard, 5 percent of males are in IR as opposed to two percent of women. Discrimination continues to occur throughout one’s career: despite women constituting half of the graduate population in political science, they constitute only 40 percent of IR faculty. They are also less likely to work at research universities: more women IR scholars (48 percent) teach at liberal arts colleges or universities without Ph.D. programs than men (39 percent). Women also tend to be more junior and less likely to hold tenure than their male colleagues and just a minority achieve senior positions such as Full Chair.

Women IR scholars’ work is not as well-recognized as that of male IR scholars—a problem for the whole of political science, as women are significantly underrepresented on the list of the 400 most frequently-cited political scientists and are cited less often than their male colleagues. Men also out-publish women by a ratio of two to one. The majority of the research assigned in IR graduate courses is written by men.

In the peculiar D.C. environment, however, citations are only one part of the problem. In the nation’s capital. what counts above all else is visibility, and the first step toward increased visibility is being invited to speak on panels. This article thus explores gender equality on foreign policy panels in the Nation’s Capital think tanks community. 

From a methodological point of view, we started from the mentioned WIIS report and selected the top 20 institutions it cited. Our hypothesis was that think tanks that are more gender-balanced in terms of scholars would also be more gender-balanced in terms of panel composition. For foreign policy-focused think tanks, we considered each public event they listed on their websites in 2018. In the case of multidisciplinary think tanks, we only considered their panels on foreign policy. For each event, we looked at the roster listed on the program, such as speakers, chairs, and moderators, as well as the total number of speakers and number of women speakers.

We also looked into the ideological divide. To determine whether a think tank is leaning Democrat, leaning Republican or is Independent/Bipartisan, we looked at think tanks’ values and mission statements, in particular looking for terms such as “conservative”, “progressive”, and “bipartisan”. We are grateful to the European Commission’s Jean Monnet Action, for support in doing this research. This research project is part of a larger international research initiative on Women Leaders in Foreign Policy and International Relations led by the Institute for Women Policy Research.

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The results are far from encouraging: in 2018, there was one woman for every three males on D.C. foreign policy panels. Additionally, 27 percent of the panels were in fact “manels”, a term used to refer to men-only panels. To make things worse, in most cases, the woman on the panel was the moderator, not a “real” speaker. This perpetuates the idea that women can be gracious hosts, but not experts.

RAND exceeded gender parity on panels, closely followed by the Council on Foreign Relations, the Center for American Progress, the U.S. Institute for Peace (USIP), the Center for a New American Security (CNAS), and the Stimson Center, all of whose panels consisted of 40 percent or more women. Only the Center for American Progress completely avoided organizing one-gendered panels. For the rest, out of 967 foreign policy panels, 217 were manels.

In other words, in 27 percent of the cases, the organizers were apparently unable—or unwilling—to put at least one woman on stage. At CATO, the Institute for Policy Studies, and the American Enterprise Institute, half or more of the panels were all-male. At CATO, the Heritage Foundation, Aspen Institute, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and the Bipartisan Policy Center, one third or more of the events were all-male, yet they did not organize one single all-women panel.   

It should also be mentioned that several of the women-only panels were either held on International Women’s Day or focused on topics like sexual violence or civil suffering. Another interesting finding is that there were only a few think tanks that would do an event around a single woman (such as a global leader), or a single female scholar, while there was an abundance of events revolving around one single male leader or scholar.

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The correlation between the presence of women experts and the percentage of women speakers exists, but is weaker than expected: the think tanks with the most women scholars are not always the ones featuring the most women speakers.

Picture3.png

While only 40 percent of scholars at RAND are women, RAND exceeded gender parity in panels (52 percent). The Center for Foreign Relations, with a figure of only 29 percent female scholars, almost reached gender parity on panels (44 percent). The same holds true for the Center for American Progress: with just 16 percent of female scholars, the panels averaged 44 percent of women. The United States Institute for Peace with 49 percent of its scholars being women, had panels that were 43 percent women, similar to the Stimson Center (51 percent female scholars, 40 percent on panels). At the lower levels of the ranking—that is the think tanks with 30 percent or less of female scholars—the correlation is somewhat stronger: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace scored 29 percent in both categories with the German Marshall Fund closely behind with 27 percent in both categories. Heritage featured 22 and 24 percent respectively, and American Enterprise 21 and 20 percent. The Aspen Institute featured more female speakers than scholars (28 percent vs. 20 percent), while CATO did the opposite. With 27 female experts, only 20 percent of its speakers were women.

The correlation between female leadership and gender parity is promising. Seven out of the twenty-one think tanks (30 percent) considered in this study have a woman at the helm: Neera Tandem (CAP), Nancy Lindborg (USIP), Victoria Nuland (CNAS), Anne Marie Slaughter (New America Foundation), Jane Harman (Wilson Center), Karen Donfried (GMF) and Joan Rohlfing (NYI). Yet only three of these appear in the top-ten think tanks when it comes to women speakers on panels: Center for American Progress, U.S. Institute for Peace, and the Center for New American Security.

Screen+Shot+2019-03-26+at+12.26.36+PM.png

Finally, there appears to be a progressive-conservative divide, with openly-progressive think tanks clearly surpassing openly-conservative ones when it comes to gender parity of speakers: among conservative think tanks, just 18 percent of panel participants are women, as compared to 59 percent among progressive ones. Independent think tanks score in the middle.

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An article published in the Monkey Cage, a blog by The Washington Post, illustrates how, in 2014, only one in four panelists on foreign policy panels in D.C. were women. Increasing the percent of female speakers is admittedly easier than reaching gender parity among scholars. Given all the pledges to never again participate in manels that followed the Monkey Cage article, one would expect trends to have substantially changed, and to some extent, they have. Since 2014, the presence of women on foreign policy panels in Washington, D.C. has grown by nine percent, increasing from 25 percent to 34 percent. With this level of growth, gender parity on foreign policy panels in D.C. will be achieved by 2025. 

 

Missing in Action: The Absence of Women Scholars on Foreign Policy Panels

By Dr. Federiga Bindi and Mimosa Giamanco

Published in the Georgetown Journal of International Affairs

Women in International Security (WIIS), an organization committed to advancing women in the field of international peace and security, recently issued a policy report analyzing the presence of women in D.C. think tanks, compiling a ranking of the presence of women scholars in the foreign policy community. The report, titled “The WIIS Scorecard: Washington, DC Think Tanks 2018,” highlighted how men are still running the show in the foreign and security policy establishments. The D.C. think tank community is in fact far from being gender-balanced, especially when it comes to foreign policy. Expert-wise, only two out of the twenty-two think tanks reviewed have achieved gender parity among their scholars: the Stimson Center (52%) and the United States Institute for Peace (USIP, 49%). Only five think tanks have more than 40% female scholars: the Stimson Center (51%), Nuclear Threat Initiative (50%), the U.S. Institute for Peace (49%), the Institute for Policy Studies (44%), and the Rand Corporation (40%). The vast majority of the think tanks have less than 30% female scholars.

These findings are consistent with the numbers in academia, where women scholars in International Relations are still a minority: 70 percent of International Relations (IR) faculty is male. The discrimination begins early in one’s career: for instance, among PhDs at the country’s top institution, Harvard, 5 percent of males are in IR as opposed to two percent of women. Discrimination continues to occur throughout one’s career: despite women constituting half of the graduate population in political science, they constitute only 40 percent of IR faculty. They are also less likely to work at research universities: more women IR scholars (48 percent) teach at liberal arts colleges or universities without Ph.D. programs than men (39 percent). Women also tend to be more junior and less likely to hold tenure than their male colleagues and just a minority achieve senior positions such as Full Chair.

Women IR scholars’ work is not as well-recognized as that of male IR scholars—a problem for the whole of political science, as women are significantly underrepresented on the list of the 400 most frequently-cited political scientists and are cited less often than their male colleagues. Men also out-publish women by a ratio of two to one. The majority of the research assigned in IR graduate courses is written by men.

In the peculiar D.C. environment, however, citations are only one part of the problem. In the nation’s capital. what counts above all else is visibility, and the first step toward increased visibility is being invited to speak on panels. This article thus explores gender equality on foreign policy panels in the Nation’s Capital think tanks community.

Read the rest of the article here.

Cracks in the IR Glass: The Evolving Relationship Between International Relations & Gender Equality

By Dr. Federiga Bindi

It is often said that if more women were at the helm of foreign policy, there would be more peace in the world. However--and despite the fact that women have played important roles--there is little research about the actual foundations of this claim. While female leadership is increasingly gaining momentum, women involved in International Relations-related jobs, be it in academia, diplomacy, international organizations, government or international business, are still facing more difficulties than in other areas in climbing the seniority ladder. Also, despite evidence of women’s role in the diplomatic and international arena, the core historical narrative of international politics remained depleted of women.

 This article will review the status of women in International Relations (IR), discuss the main reasons why breaking the glass ceiling is more difficult in international relations than in other areas, and what can be done to change the situation.

Download full article at: https://www.academia.edu/34944136/Cracks_in_the_IR_Glass_The_Evolving_Relationship_Between_International_Relations_and_Gender_Equality

Harassment in the Workplace: Why the US and the EU Must Act

As we celebrate the International Day for the elimination of Violence against Women, it should not be forgotten that violence can happen in different forms: psychological violence — whether it is in the family or in the workplace — can be as dangerous as the physical one, in extreme cases leading to suicide or death, though in this case there will be hardly someone prosecuted for the crime.

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Women Leaders in (EU) Foreign Policy: will Mrs Be Better than Lady?

On Halloween night, the European Commission — Europe’s “executive” — changed. At the helm of foreign policy, Lady PESC — as Catherine Ashton was known — gave way to Mrs PESC, as Federica Mogherini prefers to be called. Two different women leaders, two leadership styles in foreign policy. The right time for an assessment and for a preview of what it is possibly to come.

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Women Leaders in Foreign Policy: When Federica Mogherini Found Her Voice

Women are still a minority at the helm of Foreign Policy and International Relations. In the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee, only two members out of 18 are women, while in the House of Representative they are five out of 46. In the European Parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee, there were 20 women out of 73 in the 2009-14 legislature and they are today 13 out of 71.

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Female Leaders in Misogynous Foreign Policy: An Example to Follow

“At times in foreign policy we make mistakes because we act too quickly without first properly understanding how things really are.” Sure enough, this is recurrent complain among foreign policy geeks, but it takes a certain bravery to say so — on the record and in the world’s most prestigious think tank — if you are one of those people that actually leads the world’s foreign policy.

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